This
class did well to fill the gaping holes of knowledge (once thought to be minor
gaps) I had about laboring minority groups, and the circuitous system of
capitalism that sets migrant workers in perpetual motion on a hamster wheel—running,
running, running, but never quite arriving. I held vague ideas as to what race,
labor, and migration looked liked as broad, disparate concepts, but not from a
synthesized, ground-level view, linking each in indirect (and sometimes very
direct) relation with one another.
The
relationship between capitalism as a primary proponent of racism, and all the
ways in which it works to condemn certain racial groups to remain forever
stunted within a bottom-barrel tier (and even the creation of this
bottom-barrel tier) is heavily rooted in protection of property and of unfair
redistribution of the land after the abolishment of slavery and during
industrialization—a relationship that continues to prevail within our
“post-racist” society. Perhaps the best questions this class has taught me to ask
deal with the longstanding social norms and characterizations we place upon
ethnic minorities, that, even to this day, continues to serve a global,
economic function. The narrative the U.S. paints of its global past creates a
picture so grossly oppositional to the proletarian accounts and scholarly
critiques we’ve laced together over the quarter, I’ve had to pretty much
reconfigure my whole conception of what the U.S. is. But, if this class is
built on a few major themes, I’ve found that one of them is certainly related
to defining just that: what makes America? White supremacy? Check. The
“stranger”? Check. The migrant laborer? Check. Capitalism? Very much so, check.
But, what about the ideology of a better future? To what extent does this
‘better future’ exist for racial groups whose opportunities are predetermined
by their role, both created and patrolled, in the nation’s economic
system?
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